Recently, much of the literature on the rural Midwest has focused on meatpacking (Durrenberger 1998; Fink 1998; Newman 2007; Stull & Broadway 2012), political and demographic changes (Davidson 1990; Hochschild 2016; Isenberg... [ view full abstract ]
Recently, much of the literature on the rural Midwest has focused on meatpacking (Durrenberger 1998; Fink 1998; Newman 2007; Stull & Broadway 2012), political and demographic changes (Davidson 1990; Hochschild 2016; Isenberg 2016; Longworth 2009; Nelson & Nelson 2010; Portes & Ruben 2006; Vance 2016), and agriculture (Hart 2004; Holmes 2013). The Rural Sociological Society’s (RSS) Rural America in a Globalizing World gives a comprehensive analysis of rural America with emphasis on agriculture and food, natural resources and the environment, population change, diversity, and, finally, economics, community, and quality of life (2014). Similarly, Wuthnow’s Small-Town America and Brown and Schafft’s Rural People and Communities in the 21st Century both survey the rural United States. Nevertheless, none of these publications specifically investigate rural organizations and institutions, but only provide an analysis of general economics, entrepreneurship, and socio-cultural effects. Yet, institutions are vital for growth and development in their communities and countries (Acemoglu and Robinson 2008; Drzeniek-Hanouz 2015). Through an institutional lens, I begin to answer the question: why are certain Iowa communities more vibrant than others? I define vibrancy as the combination of a healthy, cultivated culture, strong human and economic capital, and lively anchor institutions that are rooted in their place. Based on this working definition, I profile two small communities – Pella and Oskaloosa - and develop a preliminary index for measuring vibrancy. For the two profiles, I examine the degree to which they are improving their local communities at the institutional level and how those institutions contribute to the relative vibrancy of the entire community. Based on semi-structured interviews with representatives of the various institutions in each community, coupled with census and laborshed analysis data, I reached various conclusions about each community and the things they had in common. Pella is a unique two-company town that has seemingly disparate values of both nostalgia and innovation. Although Oskaloosa has not been as historically successful, recent increases in its community vibrancy display the power of civic duty among key individuals and the local institutions they founded. Both towns are excellent examples of communities with strong anchor institutions and how community vibrancy is fairly internalized. Using these findings and census data as a foundation, I built a preliminary vibrancy index for the top-30 small towns by population in the state of Iowa (which includes both Pella and Oskaloosa). The preliminary findings of the index seem to indicate that relative geographic location in the state does not seem to matter for vibrancy and that institutions matter, especially communities with small colleges. Finally, based on my findings from the two community profiles and the index, I make an argument that small towns need to engage, in what I term “inclusive vibrancy.”
