Hunting can be seen as an expression of a cultural values. As a discrete cultural element, it can be theorized that hunting is linked to the values that a person possesses on the individual and group level. Research shows that values dictate behavior, reinforce cultural traditions, and transmit across generations (Kluckholn, 1951). Values structure the relationships that humans have with their environment, with other humans, and societal institutions (Schwartz, 2006). As individual behaviors aggregate within a culture they become a broader cultural activity.
Values research in the US has shown that the cultural activity of hunting is tied to a domination wildlife value orientation (WVO), and much less so for mutualism WVO (Manfredo and Teel, 2004). Broadly, classified mutualists exhibit behaviors that are welfare-enhancing for wildlife and less prone to support, much less participate in, behaviors that could result in harm to wildlife. A mutualist who also hunts is confounding, as the scale items they respond positively to do not align with the activity of hunting. How does an individual strongly agree with statements such as, “Hunting does not respect the lives of animals” or “Animals should have rights similar to the rights of humans” and still actively participate in hunting? These individuals are participating in behavior that is counter to their values.
Recent research conducted through the America’s Wildlife Valuesproject has found that there is a growing phenomenon of persons that are categorized as mutualists that are also active hunting participants. These individuals are intriguing as they are an anomaly and require further consideration.
We explore characteristics in this presentation of people who score high on mutualism WVO and hunt. These individuals would be both typified mutualists (high on mutualism, low on domination) and pluralists (high on mutualism, high on domination). Is it possible that people are compartmentalizing their lives and placing different species into different categories, as they respond in a global sense and feel differently about some animals? Is this a vestige of the cultural tradition of hunting overcoming values, is it a change in meaning in hunting, or a shift in behavioral motivations? One such motivation noted in recent research is the growing public interest in the locavore food movements. A movement that prioritizes locally sourced, grown or produced food over food that has traveled greater distances. Further research is needed to determine additional motivations, individual psychological states (i.e. cognitive dissonance), and the continuance of behavioral intention to hunt.
Topics: Social-ecological systems as a framework for conservation management
